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The Beltway Media Got Its Harris Interview. Can We Move on Now?

TMI4U by TMI4U
August 30, 2024
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The Beltway Media Got Its Harris Interview. Can We Move on Now?
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August 30, 2024

Harris and Walz held their very own throughout an interview pushed extra by media-made controversies than substance.

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Vice President Kamala Harris and Governor Tim Walz sit for a joint interview with CNN’s Dana Bash.

(Display shot/ CNN)

No sooner had Vice President Kamala Harris agreed to the high-profile interview that media factotems had been demanding since she was endorsed by President Joe Biden—a sit-down with CNN’s Dana Bash alongside her working mate, Governor Tim Walz—a brand new nontroversy arose. Why wouldn’t Harris sit down by herself? Why did she want Walz by her aspect?

“First query to Harris should be why she couldn’t seem solo?” Mark Knoller of CBS radio tweeted huffily. Meghan McCain pretended to be a feminist. “I don’t know if democrats (sic) absolutely notice how damaging the picture of the doable first girl president being incapable of giving an interview alone with out the presence of a person to assist her is,” McCain wrote on X. The odious CNN contributor Scott Jennings referred to Walz as Harris’s “emotional help animal.” Talking of animals, South Dakota’s dog-killing governor, Kristi Noem, weighed in, telling Newsmax that Harris was being “propped up” by a person—simply in case Harris “began laughing” and “trying loopy.”

I hate to inform Meghan McCain that her father should have been emasculated by showing along with his vice-presidential choose, the titanic Sarah Palin, across the similar time within the marketing campaign. Each presidential nominee since 2004 has executed an interview along with his or her working mate quickly after their conference. Kamala Harris bought endorsed by Biden 40 days in the past. She was nominated by her occasion every week in the past. The concept she’s late to any of that is ridiculous.

Other than trashing Harris for having Walz at her aspect, the principle points the Beltway media needed addressed—how Harris explains her alleged flip-flops since her 2019 presidential marketing campaign, how 24-year Nationwide Guard veteran Walz may need misstated his file every so often—bought addressed. Congrats, guys (and a few gals). We bought solutions! It was usually tedious.

CNN’s Dana Bash did… adequately. She didn’t indulge within the right-wing tropes towards Harris, though her microscopic give attention to how Harris has modified positions—on immigration, on fracking—since her unsuccessful 2020 presidential marketing campaign felt like Beltway myopia to me. We’ve thousands and thousands of younger voters who weren’t eligible in 2019 or 2020. Perhaps they loved that stroll down reminiscence lane; possibly they tuned out. On fracking, Harris mentioned her expertise as vice chairman has proven her “we are able to develop and enhance a thriving clear power financial system with out banning fracking.” She added, “My values haven’t modified.”

Her elevated conservatism on immigration is more durable to finesse; like Joe Biden, she relied on the bipartisan border deal Trump wiped off the desk.

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Cover of September 2024 Issue

“Via bipartisan work that included among the most conservative members of Congress, a invoice was crafted, which we supported, which I help,” she informed Bash. “Donald Trump bought phrase of this invoice, and since he believed it might not have helped him politically…he killed the invoice. The Border Patrol endorsed the invoice, as a result of they’re working across the clock, and 1,500 extra brokers would have helped them.”

Does she nonetheless imagine border crossings must be decriminalized, as she mentioned in a single 2019 debate? Bash requested.

“I imagine we now have legal guidelines that must be adopted,” she answered, including: “I’m the one individual on this race who has prosecuted transnational organizations trafficking in weapons, medication, and human beings.”

Her reply on the Israel-Hamas battle was in all probability much less satisfying to those that desire a ceasefire now. Like me. “Let me be very clear: I’m unequivocal and unwavering in Israel’s protection…. And that’s not gonna change. However let’s take a step again. October 7. Twelve hundred individuals are massacred. Many younger people who find themselves merely attending a music competition. Girls have been horribly raped. As I mentioned then, I say in the present day: Israel had a proper to defend itself….And the way it does so issues. Far too many harmless Palestinians have been killed. And we now have bought to get a deal executed. We should get a deal that’s about getting the hostages out. I’ve met with the households of the American hostages…. Let’s get the hostages out, let’s get a deal executed.”

“So no change in coverage, when it comes to arms and so forth?” Bash requested.

“No. We’ve to get a deal executed.” She added, “I’ve been dedicated to a two-state answer.”

On a floor degree, that’s defensible; negotiations are ongoing. Additionally, a degree she may have made: We solely have one president at a time. She actually can’t, and arguably shouldn’t, contradict Biden’s acknowledged coverage.

However for these of us hoping she is going to cease our nation from waving by way of limitless deadly arms gross sales to Israel… nicely, we should look ahead to extra data.

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The final third of the interview turned to Tim Walz. (For anybody who frightened that he’d chivalrously throw himself in entrance of Harris to dam imply questions, he didn’t.) That’s the place Bash—and CNN—went off the rails. This system’s chyron all of a sudden blared: “Tim Walz addresses controversies.” That’s by no means good.

“Tim Walz” and “controversies” is just not a crossword puzzle query or a Trivial Pursuit immediate. This was bullshit.

Predictably, Bash requested the 24-year Nationwide Guard veteran about the truth that he’d described carrying “weapons in battle” when technically, I assume, he ought to have mentioned “weapons of battle,” since he was by no means in a battle zone, solely in an abroad zone to help our numerous wars as wanted.

Walz shortly answered: “To start with, I’m extremely happy with having executed 24 years of carrying the uniform of this nation. Equally happy with my service in a public faculty classroom…. Individuals know me, they know who I’m, they know the place my coronary heart is.”

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Bash pushed him, as is her job, and he went on. “It was after a college taking pictures, the thought of carrying these ‘weapons of battle.’” Then he pivoted. “However once more, if it’s not this, it’s an assault on my youngsters for displaying love for me. Or it’s an attack on my dog.” (His lovable black-lab rescue, Scout, if you happen to didn’t know. Proper-wingers are getting RFK Jr.’s brainworm an infection.)

Or, Governor, it’s an assault in your saying that you simply and your spouse used IVF to conceive your youngsters “when in actual fact, you used a unique fertility [method] to have youngsters,” as Bash mentioned. How dare you, sir? She shortly moved on to allegedly false statements his workers made in 2006 a few 1995 arrest for drunk driving, to which he pleaded responsible and after which he give up ingesting completely.

Kamala Harris has by no means been a protection lawyer, solely a prosecutor, however I may see her switching sides watching Walz undergo Bash’s shitty line of questioning. Her side-eye was deafening.

Walz went straight for the creepy query about his household’s infertility therapies. “I want I didn’t have to do that, however I spoke about our infertility points as a result of it’s well being, and households know this. I spoke in regards to the therapies that have been accessible to us. That’s fairly a distinction with of us which might be making an attempt to take these rights away from us. I don’t suppose People are slicing hairs on IVF or IUI; I believe they’re slicing hairs on the thought of an abortion ban and the power to disclaim households an opportunity for a gorgeous baby.”

Kamala Harris will get to return to being “for the individuals.” Tim Walz, she is aware of, can defend himself.

Can we depend on you?

Within the coming election, the destiny of our democracy and basic civil rights are on the poll. The conservative architects of Challenge 2025 are scheming to institutionalize Donald Trump’s authoritarian imaginative and prescient throughout all ranges of presidency if he ought to win.

We’ve already seen occasions that fill us with each dread and cautious optimism—all through all of it, The Nation has been a bulwark towards misinformation and an advocate for daring, principled views. Our devoted writers have sat down with Kamala Harris and Bernie Sanders for interviews, unpacked the shallow right-wing populist appeals of J.D. Vance, and debated the pathway for a Democratic victory in November.

Tales like these and the one you simply learn are very important at this important juncture in our nation’s historical past. Now greater than ever, we’d like clear-eyed and deeply reported impartial journalism to make sense of the headlines and kind reality from fiction. Donate in the present day and be part of our 160-year legacy of talking reality to energy and uplifting the voices of grassroots advocates.

All through 2024 and what’s probably the defining election of our lifetimes, we’d like your help to proceed publishing the insightful journalism you depend on.

Thanks,
The Editors of The Nation

Joan Walsh



Joan Walsh, a nationwide affairs correspondent for The Nation, is a coproducer of The Sit-In: Harry Belafonte Hosts The Tonight Present and the writer of What’s the Matter With White Individuals? Discovering Our Approach within the Subsequent America. Her new ebook (with Nick Hanauer and Donald Cohen) is Corporate Bullsh*t: Exposing the Lies and Half-Truths That Protect Profit, Power and Wealth In America.

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The complex Kennedy legacy has reactionary as well as liberal strands. Former Republican presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and Donald Trump shake hands during a campaign rally at Desert Diamond Arena on August 23, 2024, in Glendale, Arizona. When he endorsed Donald Trump last Friday, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (RFK Jr.) ignited a family drama. His famous family name is one of RFK Jr.’s main political assets, so it was not surprising that in explaining why he was suspending his campaign and backing Trump, he claimed the posthumous support of the two most famous members of his clan, his father, Robert F. Kennedy (RFK), and his uncle John F. Kennedy (JFK), both assassinated in the 1960s. RFK Jr. claimed that the two deceased statesmen “are looking down right now and they are very, very proud.” This audacious and galling claim was too much for Kennedy’s family. Five of RFK Jr.’s siblings issued a statement saying the endorsement was a “a betrayal of the values our father and our family hold most dear.” This letter was signed by Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, Courtney Kennedy, Kerry Kennedy, Chris Kennedy, and Rory Kennedy. In an interview with MSNBC, Kerry Kennedy said she was “outraged and disgusted by my brother’s gaudy and obscene embrace of Donald Trump.” She added that her father “would have detested almost everything Donald Trump represents if he was alive today.” Another RFK descendant, brother Max, wrote an op-ed in the Los Angeles Times that denounced RFK Jr.’s support of Trump as “sordid,” as well as “a hollow grab for power, a strategic attempt at relevance.” Max Kennedy noted that prior to backing Trump, his brother had unsuccessfully approached the Harris campaign with a quid pro quo, a possible endorsement in exchange for a position in her administration. It appears that Trump made the kind of deal RFK Jr. wanted, so if Trump returns to the White House there will be a position waiting for the black sheep of the Kennedy dynasty. RFK Jr. boasted to Tucker Carlson that he’ll be part of Trump’s transition team and “help pick the people who will be running the government.” Writing in The Washington Post, columnist Karen Tumulty lamented that “RFK Jr. has sullied the Kennedy name and the dimming aura of Camelot.” It’s undeniable that RFK Jr. has betrayed the liberalism that his family, in its best moments, embodied. Indeed, RFK Jr. also proved disloyal to his own stated values, since only a few years ago he condemned Trump as a “threat to democracy,” “a terrible president,” and “a sociopath” whose politics was based on “bigotry,” “hatred,” and “xenophobia.” Given this abrupt about-face, it’s not surprising that former close collaborators with RFK Jr., notably the investigative journalist Greg Palast, openly speak about the politician as someone who has “lost his mind” But as manifestly corrupt as RFK Jr.’s behavior is, we should be wary of the narrative of Camelot betrayed, which relies on the attractive fiction that there is a unified and unsullied Kennedy legacy. In truth, the Kennedys, who have been national figures for more than a century, have been all over the map politically—not always in admirable ways. The family have long been Democrats, but at times very reactionary ones, in a manner that does decidedly show an affinity for Trumpism. As the historian Garry Wills documented in his classic book The Kennedy Imprisonment (1982), the most searching of all books about the dynasty, the family’s patriarch, Joseph Kennedy (1888–1969), imprinted on his large brood a host of bad habits. The grandchild of Irish immigrants and son of a successful Boston politician, Kennedy rose to stratospheric wealth through the stock market and liquor (although not, contrary to popular myths, by bootlegging). But his plutocratic success didn’t win Kennedy many friends among Boston’s Brahmins—snooty WASPs who saw the Irish as inherently low-class. Stung by social rejection, Kennedy pursued alternative paths to status via Hollywood (taking, among many other starlets, Gloria Swanson as a mistress) and politics. Although a Democrat who was appointed as ambassador to England from 1938 to 1940, Kennedy fought bitterly with President Franklin D. Roosevelt. During his disastrous term as ambassador, Kennedy threw in his lot with the aristocratic Cliveden set in England who wanted to accept Hitler as overlord of Europe in order to build a bulwark against communism. When his own government rejected this embrace of Nazi domination of Europe, Kennedy concluded that FDR’s mind had been poisoned by a cabal of wicked Jews (such as Felix Frankfurter and Sidney Hillman) who were dragging America to war. A primordial patriarch, Kennedy saw the world in belligerent macho terms: All men were rivals; all women existed for sexual conquest. He passed along this attitude to many of his sons, sometimes, as Wills and other historians have documented, sharing his mistresses with his boys. As Wills conclusively shows, this macho attitude was a pervasive part of the life of JFK and RFK (although RFK, who had a streak of devout Catholicism, was not a compulsive womanizer). During the 1950s both Kennedy brothers were classic Cold War militant anti-communists. JFK was pals with Joseph McCarthy, even going on double dates with the Wisconsin demagogue. RFK served on the staff of McCarthy’s Senate Subcommittee on Investigations and wanted to be chief counsel, a job that was won by Roy Cohn (who would go on to be Donald Trump’s mentor in the art of dirty politics). In 1960, JFK ran to the right of Richard Nixon on foreign policy, decrying a fictional missile gap. As Wills notes, the failed invasion of Cuba in 1961 at the Bay of Pigs was a pure distillation of the Kennedy style of masculinist politics. The Bay of Pigs, Wills argues, was taken to heart because it was so clearly marked with the new traits of Kennedy’s own government. It had for its target the man who obsessed Kennedy. It had for its leader the ideal of Kennedy’s “best and brightest.” It was a chess game backed by daring—played mind to mind, macho to macho, charisma to charisma. It was a James Bond exploit blessed by Yale, a PT raid run by Ph.D.s. It was the very definition of the New Frontier. To the credit of the Kennedys, they also had a capacity to learn from their mistakes. During the Cuban missile crisis, JFK discovered how dangerous brinksmanship could be. A new openness to diplomacy can be heard in JFK’s address to American University, delivered on June 10, 1963, just five months before he was assassinated. JFK’s counterinsurgency program and meddling in South Vietnamese politics (including turning a blind eye to the assassination plot against President Ngo Dinh Diem) entangled the United States in a disastrous war. But by the late 1960s, both RFK Jr. and Edward Kennedy were outspoken critics of that war. Edward Kennedy went on to be an outstanding liberal senator, although his role in the death of Mary Jo Kopechne, a manslaughter case covered by Kennedy cronies, is a reminder of the family’s outrageous license. And Edward Kennedy remained unchecked in his sexual harassment of women, a lasting family trait. Last November, I appeared on the podcast Know Your Enemy to talk about Wills’s Kennedy Imprisonment. The show’s cohost Sam Adler-Bell noted that, on many points, the JFK in the book reminded him of Donald Trump: an aggressive and exploitive womanizer with vulgar taste who was saturated with media culture (Frank Sinatra and the Rat Pack in the case of JFK, reality TV in the case of Trump). The Kennedy presidency was the first really media-dominated administration, obsessed with “charisma” (an idea taken from the sociologist Max Weber but popularized in that era) and image-making (a concept expounded in 1962 by the historian Daniel J. Boorstin). The traits of charismatic leadership, as detailed by the sociologist Reinhard Bendix and distilled by Wills, are eerily prescient of the Trump era: a loose, personal style of leadership that prioritizes the loyalty of cronies and transactional deal-making above consensus building, democratic accountability, or following norms. Further, the aristocratic ideals JFK inherited from his perversely Anglophilic father, the belief that strong societies require great leaders who can transcend the blindness of the masses, was the seedbed of antidemocratic impulses that still bedevil American society. The Kennedys, therefore, have a mixed legacy. If they have been leaders of American liberalism, they’ve also at times embodied anti-liberal impulses that are antithetical to democracy. One way to describe RFK Jr.’s politics is that in endorsing Trump he is abandoning the liberalism of Edward Kennedy and reverting to the America First authoritarianism of his grandfather. It’s easy to understand why RFK, his siblings, and his cousins all remain haunted by the legacy of their family. To be the children of great men who were killed young is a heavy burden. This is part of what Wills means by the Kennedy imprisonment. But both the family and America would benefit from finding a way to escape this prison. The problem is not just that RFK Jr. has betrayed his father’s legacy, but also that he and America need to be more clear-eyed about how limited that legacy is. Camelot was always a myth. To move forward, that myth has to be left behind.

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A Trump-themed flag is flown by supporters across the street from Trump Tower as former President and Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump holds a press conference after being found guilty over hush-money charges on May 31, 2024.

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